credit:
On The Media
October 1, 2004
BOB GARFIELD:
This is On the Media. I'm Bob Garfield.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
And I'm Brooke Gladstone. Japan has the world's
second-largest economy and a flourishing democracy, thanks
in part to the post-war help of the United States. But one
thing this democracy lacks, according to a new book, is a
responsible press. In fact, it's worse than that. Adam
Gamble and Takesato Watanabe offered a detailed account
in: A Public Betrayed: An Inside Look at Japanese Media
Atrocities and Their Warnings to the West. They describe a
two-tiered system. First, there are Japan's newspapers,
read by everyone, but dull as dishwater, offering little
but government-approved press releases. And then there are
the weeklies, called the Shukanshi, also widely-read, with
screaming headlines reproduced in subways and on
billboards. The Shukanshi offer shocking exposes -- some
true, some false -- along with naked pictures and
outrageous smears. The newspapers provide no nourishment,
while the Shukanshi feed the nation on a rich diet of lies
about its own citizens, its own government and even its
own history. Adam Gamble and Takesato Watanabe, welcome to
the show.
ADAM GAMBLE: Thank
you, Brooke.
TAKESATO WATANABE:
Thank you.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
It's all very peculiar, because as you note, in Japan,
newspapers are widely read. In fact, the leading newspaper
has as many readers as, what, our top 10 American
newspapers combined? And yet you say the Japanese daily
papers are almost stultifyingly boring. What is it in the
system that creates a newspaper that is both boring, yet
widely read?
TAKESATO WATANABE: I
think there are two reasons. The first one is '97 percent
of all the newspapers of Japan are home-delivered, and
monthly-subscribed, as the custom or daily practice of the
people --they are reading the newspapers. Second one is:
mostly the political and economic issues are given the
information through Kisha Club, so-called "press club."
BROOKE GLADSTONE: So
the two points you mention are: they don't really have to
compete day to day, because virtually everybody who reads
the paper subscribes to it, and secondly, the journalists
all have to belong to this press club, which as you
describe in your book, is kind of embedding in extremis.
How do these press clubs work?
ADAM GAMBLE: These
are information-delivery institutions, is what they amount
to, where if I'm a reporter for, let's say, Asahi Shimbun,
and I'm covering the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rather
than to go work each day at Asahi Shimbun building, I go
to work each day at the press club, within the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, directly physically next to the PR
department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, being
spoon-fed press releases, press conferences and other
information directly to them. Really interesting little
anecdote. I asked a journalist at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs --what do you do to double-check your sources if a
minister gives you information, say, on North Korea? He
said well, if one minister gives me information, sometimes
I will go to a, a sub-minister to [LAUGHTER] double-check
that fact.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
You also cite some gentleman's rules of the press club
that struck me as a journalist as, as pretty hilarious. I
mean they're really not allowed to scoop each other, are
they?
ADAM GAMBLE: That's
right. It's bizarre, and you almost think this can't be
true, but journalists keep tabs on each other. If I were
to put a subject up on the board as the head of my, my
press club saying we are not going to write about this
issue at North Korea, then no one in my club would be
allowed to write about that, and if they were to write
about it, they would be removed from the club, thereby no
longer being able to do their job and cover the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs there.
TAKESATO WATANABE:
They are company workers before they are journalists. Once
they are hired, they are given the possibility to work
until the retirement, so that they want to keep their
position stable, and they don't want to have the serious
investigative reporting. In addition, you see, there are
not so many freelance writers and speakers in Japan. So
that they are not given the chance to scoop real important
matters of the society.
BROOKE GLADSTONE: So
you have the newspapers who really don't care what's on
the front page, because it's all subscription. And you
have the Shukanshi which absolutely rely on a day to day
grab. they're a little like tabloids, they're a little
like literary magazines, they're a little like porn
magazines, and sometimes one magazine can be a combination
of all of them. But you point out in your book that "the
truest truth can appear alongside the most outrageous lie,
and there's no attempt, within a single magazine, to
distinguish between truth and lies."
ADAM GAMBLE: That's
absolutely right, Brooke. Oftentimes, it will be perfectly
happy to run really superb investigative journalism that
cannot appear in a daily press, because that stuff can
sell. However, just as easily it will sell pornographic
cartoons, chess games and, and, and golf advice, etc.
Really fascinating publications, the Shukanshi.
BROOKE GLADSTONE: So
what are the sorts of absolute falsehoods that you'll find
sitting beside the real news, in these weekly newspapers?
ADAM GAMBLE: The
case studies that we looked at include a Holocaust denial
that ran in a major magazine, and then was advertised
nationally. We looked at the smearing of a Buddhist leader
who has been standing up for democracy in this country for
many years. We also looked at two case studies dealing
with World War II war crimes -the Nanjing Massacre where
300,000 people were murdered in a short space of time, as
well as the denial in the weekly news magazines of the
existence of World War II sex slaves, or so-called
"comfort women."
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
You point out in your book that the Japanese killed far
more Asians than the Nazis killed Europeans, and yet you
say that the newspapers, particularly the weekly
newspapers, continue to leave certain stories, like those
of the Korean comfort women untold.
ADAM GAMBLE: You
know, Brooke, the power establishment in Japan is not that
different than the power establishment previous to World
War II and during World War II. Occupation did make a
number of significant changes in various parts of the
country, but essentially you're seeing a very continuous
stream of power and stream of thought. There's a really
strong movement in Japan to keep the realities of World
War II and of the Japanese militarists squashed, so that
the average, everyday person doesn't realize what its
government did during that war. If you interview even
well-established Japanese journalists and talk to them
about issues such as the Nanjing Massacre or the
enslavement of 200,000 comfort women by the Japanese
military, many of them will say point blank to you, well
you know, these issues are up for historical debate. They
haven't been completely established. And this is not
dissimilar than if you were to go to Germany today and
talk to educated Germans and have them tell you, you know,
the issue about whether or not the Holocaust occurred is
still up for debate. It wouldn't happen, yet it is going
on in Japan today, and one of the key reasons that this is
going on is because of a media that is complicit with the
established powers. Professor Watanabe often calls it
"historical amnesia."
TAKESATO WATANABE:
Most of the youngsters, you see, who are not given those
information, want to forget the, the things which our
ancestors, our fathers and grandfathers have done.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
One thing that seems to sell in the media, especially in
the Shukanshi weeklies, is anti-Semitism, and that despite
the fact that there are virtually no Jews in Japan.
ADAM GAMBLE: The
idea of the Jew in Japan is, first of all, oftentimes it,
it plays as a stand-in for the West, so if, if a magazine
or a writer does not want to directly attack Americans or
the West, they will instead use Jews as a term, and, and
sort of use that to cover their tracks, so to speak. And
the other part about it that's so interesting, I think, to
Japanese people is the idea of a conspiracy theory.
TAKESATO WATANABE:
Yes. Jewish people, we, we don't have so many in Japan, so
that you see, when we have the economic failure, like the
1992 -- our economy drew back from the prosperity so fast
-- and it was said that this was caused by Jewish
economic, you see, conspiracy.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
How does the United States figure into all of this. I mean
after all, Japan was defeated, occupied and supposedly
rebuilt in America's democratic image. Why doesn't the
media reflect the American model? Or does it reflect the
American model, and we can't see our own media for what it
is?
ADAM GAMBLE: You
know, leading up to World War II, the Japanese militarists
were very specific in their plans to consolidate their
news industry, putting out literally thousands of
newspapers and thousands of magazines out of business, so
that by the time they went into World War II, you had just
six companies dominating the entire national news media.
After the war, when the occupying forces moved in, they
did not disassemble this essential infrastructure, so that
today, you still have six major companies dominating the
Japanese news media, and one thing which is unfortunately
not as widely-known as it should be, is that the U.S. CIA
put in millions of dollars to the liberal democratic party
through the 1950s and 1960s to keep them in power and to
keep them following U.S. foreign policy vis-a-vis the Cold
War against Russia as well as against China. So, the U.S.
has done a lot not to disassemble the fundamental aspects
of the Japanese news media that existed pre-World War II,
and which was formed by the Japanese militarists in an
attempt to control their population's flow of information.
TAKESATO WATANABE:
Yes, and we have the globalization process of economy and
politics and everything, but we don't have any concrete
idea for the globalization of the public's voice, people's
voice. This is the reason why, you see, we wrote this
book.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
Well, thank you both very much, Takesato Watanabe and Adam
Gamble, thank you very much for coming.
TAKESATO WATANABE:
Thank you very much.
ADAM GAMBLE: Thank
you.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
They are the authors of A Public Betrayed: An Inside Look
at Japanese Media Atrocities and Their Warnings to the
West.
copyright 2004 WNYC Radio
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